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Fewer Choices, More Taxes, Less Freedom

In response to this opinion piece in the Chronicle, I sent the following letter:
re:  House health reform plan works for Houston and Texas

In praising the government-imposed health insurance "reform" plan that recently passed the House, Mr. Wortham gets one thing right:  "big private insurers" shouldn't be "call[ing] the shots" with respect to health care decisions.  Unfortunately, his prescription for an ailing system is to replace corporations with government bureaucrats rather than putting the decisions about what health care coverage is best where they belong:  in the hands of individuals and families.  Rather than removing government-imposed barriers to competition and choice (e.g., prohibition against group plans and interstate purchasing), the House plan praised by Mr. Wortham simply creates more mandates and raises taxes.

With respect to the claim that increasing the size, scope, and intrusiveness of government agencies somehow "even reduces the federal deficit", Mr. Wortham should keep in mind that this is based on the combination of tax increases (during a recession) and supposed cuts (actually decreases in previously proposed increases) of $400-500 billion in Medicare — "cuts" that groups like the Wortham's AFL-CIO have vigorously opposed in the past and will no doubt lobby against enacting.

The answer to true health insurance reform that really "works" is to remove government barriers to individual choice and competition — not to let faceless, pencil-pushing government bureaucrats decide what's best for individuals and families.  The bill that passed the House of Representatives on a partisan vote is, to use Mr. Wortham's word, simply "wrong" — for Houston, for Texas, and for America.

Sincerely,
Dave Smith
Houston, TX
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A Fair Trial, A Preconceived Outcome?

Reversing course from a previous statement by the President favoring military tribunals for terrorists detained at Guantanamo Bay, Attorney General Eric Holder has announced that five of the terrorists from Gitmo allegedly involved in the planning and execution of the 9/11 attacks -- Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, Walid Muhammad Salih Mubarek bin Attash, Ramzi bin al-Shibh, Ali Abdul-Aziz Ali and Mustafa Ahmed al-Hawsawi -- will be tried in civilian courts in New York City.

Of course, civilian courts on US soil operate under different rules than do military tribunals, even with the expanded due process protections enacted by President Obama when he made announced his tribunal policy in May.  For one thing, there's a presumption of innocence -- a presumption notably missing from Attorney General Eric Holder's statement before a Senate panel in which he proclaimed that, regarding the prosecution of these five terrorists, "failure is not an option".  When asked about the possibility of the jurors disagreeing and acquitting the "suspects" (thus deciding that failure is an option), he assuaged concerns with his opinion that "I don't expect that we will have a contrary result."  Well, then.

So while the terrorists will be tried in a civilian court, they will be presumed innocent; yet the nation's top prosecutor announces to the prospective jury pool that failure to convict is not even an "option"?  An option for whom?  Does this mean that the typical rules governing a civilian trial concerning evidence, admissibility of confessions (particularly those resulting from the "enhanced interrogation techniques"), and other rules and procedures, will be ignored?  If so, why bother bringing them to civilian court, why not define a tribunal with the necessary sidestepping?

While AG Holder insisted that the civilian court would wield the same outcome as a military tribunal, Senator John Kyl of Arizona challenged the logic of such a statement, pointing out that Khalid Sheikh Mohammed was ready to plead guilty before the tribunals; now, he must be tried.  No matter how confident Mr. Holder may be, a 100% chance of a "guilty" plea is certainly preferable to a chance for acquittal, even if the probability is 1% or less.  And never mind the appeals, first of which would have to be the venue; who in New York City would be capable of serving as an "impartial" juror in a courthouse only blocks away from where the Twin Towers smoldered?

If the decision itself is a mistake, at least the prosecutors are top-notch.  As reported by the private intelligence firm Stratfor in a Global Security and Intelligence Report:
 "[t]he staff of the U.S. attorney’s office for the Southern District of New York has gained considerable knowledge and expertise prosecuting terror cases over the years ...  It was in the Southern District of New York in 1995 that Omar Abdel Rahman, aka the Blind Sheikh, was tried for the so-called Landmarks Plot of 1993 and received a life sentence. In 1996, Abdel Basit (aka Ramzi Yousef) and two co-conspirators were also tried in the Southern District and sentenced to life in prison for their roles in the Bojinka Plot, which also included an indictment for Khalid Sheikh Mohammed (the staff of the Southern District has been familiar with Mohammed for some time now). The attackers behind the 1998 attacks against the U.S. embassies were also prosecuted in the Southern District of New York and sentenced to life imprisonment. Few other courts have so much experience handling and prosecuting high-profile terrorism cases...
Stratfor also details capabilities of the NYPD, FDNY, and U.S. Marshals Service Special Operations Group to provide safety and security to New York while the trial proceeds, should it remain in NYC.  But however professional and competent the security apparatus may be, it still isn't as safe and secure as a Naval base on the island of Cuba, 90 miles from American soil.

In announcing the end of "enhanced interrogation techniques", the eventual closing of Gitmo as a detention facility, and the end (and subsequent resumption) of military tribunals, Obama and his Administration have justified their actions as being more fair and equitable than those taken under his predecessor, President Bush.  But how fair is a trial where the outcome is preconceived, and a "not guilty" verdict is potentially ignored?  President Obama is attempting one of the oldest and most well known of cliches:  he is attempting to have his cake and eat it too.  In doing so, he offends common sense:  a preconceived outcome (i.e., one where "failure is not an option") is simply not consistent with a fair trial.  The President is taking a huge risk, for little, if any, potential gain.
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What a Difference a Day Makes!

In response to this column by E. J. Dionne in the Chronicle, I sent the following letter:
re:  Health care reform getting bogged down in Senate

I went to bed Wednesday night under the impression that I was both a "normal human being" and a "real American".  Then I read E.J. Dionne's column about the proposed government-centric health care "reform" bill under consideration in the Senate.  What a difference a day makes!

Unlike Mr. Dionne, I don't believe that giving corrupt politicians more power to decide what health insurance coverage is best for me and my family, or that the way to increase choice and lower costs for consumers is to raise taxes, increase bureaucracy, and establish more government prohibitions and mandates.  Thus, like millions of other who prefer individual choice and free markets to government command-and-control, I am thankful that the 2,000-plus page health care bill is stalled in the Senate.

Thankfully, Mr. Dionne has not yet been named by the President as "czar" for determining what constitutes a "normal human being" or a "real American".

Sincerely,
Dave Smith
Houston, TX
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The Auto Insurance Canard, Part 2: Sen. Mark Warner

In a recent interview with CNSNews.com, Virginia Senator repeated the argument that I deconstructed in this recent blog posting:  that proposed federal government mandates for individuals to buy health care insurance, with coverage to be outlined by the health care "reform" bill, are analogous to government requirements for auto insurance coverage.  The CNSNews article cites a study by the Congressional Budget Office in 1993 during the Clinton Administration, the last time Congress undertook health care "reform" on a similar scale, namely that  “[a] mandate requiring all individuals to purchase health insurance would be an unprecedented form of federal action.  The government has never required people to buy any good or service as a condition of lawful residence in the United States.”  In response to Sen. Warner's statements, I sent him the following letter:

Senator Warner:

In a recent interview with CNSNews.com, you compared a requirement for individual health insurance coverage, as currently being considered by Congress under the various government health care "reform" proposals, to state requirements for auto insurance coverage.  Such a comparison is not legitimate for several reasons.

First of all, according to a Congressional Budget Office report issued during debate in the Clinton Administration's endeavor to expand government control over health insurance, a "mandate requiring all individuals to purchase health insurance would be an unprecedented form of federal action", as the federal government "has never required people to buy any good or service as a condition of lawful residence in the United States."

The analogy to auto insurance further falls apart when considering that states don't actually require auto insurance as a condition for residency; rather, the requirement is only valid for those wishing to drive legally on public roads.  No such mandate is imposed on those wishing to, say, ride in buses, taxis, or other forms of public transportation, nor for those who would wish only to operate vehicles on privately owned property.

Further eroding the comparison is the fact that the auto insurance mandates imposed by state governments on drivers are not an attempt to legislate social policy, but rather an attempt to protect the property rights of other drivers -- an uninsured driver responsible for an accident damages the property (and perhaps the health) of others involved; the insurance requirements protect other drivers.  No such mandates exist for "collision" coverage, i.e., damage inflicted on the at-fault driver's own property (such mandates can be required for the extension of an auto loan, but that is the domain of the bank and is based on a voluntary exchange, as the driver agrees to the requirement as part of the terms of receiving the loan).

As Madison wrote in Federalist 45, "[t]he powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the federal government, are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the State governments are numerous and indefinite."  A state could potentially define an individual's mandate to purchase insurance; in that case, people can choose to vote with their feet to other states.  But with a federal requirement, the only recourse would be to move to a different country.  This is not in line with the spirit or the letter of our founding documents and principles of government.

Senator, while not a member of your state, your votes still impact my liberties and my rights of voluntary exchange.  I urge you to abandon your advocacy of government-imposed mandates for insurance coverage, as well as government-defined minimum coverages that my family and I might not want or need.

True health care reform would increase competition and choices for consumers by removing government barriers (e.g., buying across state lines, group plans, etc.) rather than imposing more government requirements.

Sincerely,
Dave Smith
Houston, TX
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The Auto Insurance Canard

With the passage of the "ObamaCare" government health insurance plan in the House of Representatives, the debate over the proper course of health care reform continues to heat up.  One of the aspects of the House plan likely to be duplicated in the Senate is seemingly the most innocuous and one that, at first blush, sounds consumer-friendly:  the abolition of the so-called "pre-existing condition" terms, under which health insurance companies can deny coverage for conditions that existed prior to obtaining health insurance.

The unintended consequence of getting rid of the pre-existing condition terms is that people could then wait until they are sick before buying health insurance, knowing that they could then get coverage.  To prevent this scenario, the House included an individual mandate -- each person must purchase health insurance or face consequences.  In the House bill, that consequence is a fine.

The first question that comes to mind is this:  where does the federal government get authority to force anyone to purchase health insurance?  The answer, of course, is "nowhere", which, of course, should end debate right there -- leaving aside the issue that, even if the government did have Constitutional authority to force individuals to purchase health care insurance, it isn't the purpose of the government.  It is not the business of politicians in Washington to decide whether or not I need a particular product or service, and certainly not the business of politicians in Washington to determine that not only must I purchase health insurance, I must purchase the types of coverage they think I should have.

In response to the questions about the so-called "individual mandate", many have used the example of the requirement most states have for purchasing auto insurance as justification for a health insurance requirement.  President Obama himself used that analogy when asked about the penalties for those scofflaw individuals who would choose not to purchase health coverage.  The analogy is a canard, for several reasons.

One problem with the example of auto insurance requirements leads astray even some more market-friendly folks:  the requirement is from the states, not the federal government.  As Madison writes in Federalist 45, "The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the federal government, are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the State governments are numerous and indefinite."  It was the states that the Framers of our Constitution intended to handle issues that "concern the lives, liberties, and properties of the people, and the internal order, improvement, and prosperity of the State".  If there were any justification for an individual health insurance requirement it would, like auto insurance, fall with the states, not the federal government.  However, it is important to realize something deeper:  there is no state requirement that individuals are required to purchase auto insurance as a condition of their property (the threat of fines) or freedom (the threat of jail).  Rather, people are required to purchase auto insurance only as a condition for using public roads and highways, or, more precisely, for licensed use of those products.  A person wishing not to drive at all, or wishing to drive only on private property, need meet no such requirement.

Yet those advocating an individual mandate -- or opposing it on a state sovereignty basis -- seem not to realize this critical difference.  Even if state governments are Constitutionally-authorized to impose mandates like insurance coverage, it is still an expansion of government intrusion to require such coverage simply as a condition of living in the state.  The auto insurance analogy is not consistent to the debate.  A truly analogous health insurance requirement would be one that is related to usage of state services and resources; for example, perhaps the state could say that health insurance coverage is a requirement for treatment at a state-funded hospital, or perhaps for admittance to a state-funded medical school.

But even there the analogy breaks down, as the auto insurance requirement does not extend to coverage of one's own vehicle -- so-called "collision" and "comprehensive" insurance are typically requirements of a lending agency, to protect their investment, but not of state law.  State insurance requirements exist to ensure that one driver doesn't hurt or destory the life, limb, or property of other drivers without financial restitution.  If I wreck my own car, it isn't the state's business -- that's my property.  If I wreck someone else's, then that person deserves reimbursement.  The state, in requiring liability insurance, is simply working to uphold a legitimate government function:  the protection of private property.

These themes apply to federal insurance mandates as well.  A federal government requirement for individuals to carry health insurance does not serve to protect liberty or property; rather, it serves to intrude upon them; directly, in the form of the government making a decision it is not authorized to make on behalf of individuals and families (and, because of the cost, authorizing a confiscation of property by a third party or by the government itself in the case of a collection of fines), and indirectly, in the implied seizure of assets and ultimately jail time for those who continue to flaunt government diktats.

The individual health insurance mandate fails on every level:  it fails the Constitutional test, it fails the legitimate function of government test, it fails the individual liberty and property test.  Don't be fooled that this requirement is analogous to state auto insurance requirements -- the analogy is a canard.
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Precisely Inaccurate, Part 2

Although I had no original intention of writing a sequel to the post "Precisely Inaccurate", events have dictated otherwise.  According to this story from the Associated Press, the methodology for calculating the number of jobs that have been "saved or created" by the so-called stimulus bill is even more inaccurate, skewed, and unbelievable than even skeptics imagined.

It appears that upon reviewing the reports, the Associated Press found the following (emphasis added):
more than two-thirds of 14,506 jobs credited to the recovery act under spending by just one federal office were overstated because they counted pay increases for existing workers as jobs saved.

The inflated job count is at least partly the product of the administration instructing local community agencies that received money to count the raises as jobs saved. ...

...More than 250 other community agencies in the U.S. similarly reported saving jobs when using the money to give pay raises, pay for training and continuing education, extend employee work hours or buy equipment, according to their spending reports.

[A] Georgia program inflated the numbers even further by claiming the recovery money saved more jobs than the number of people it actually employs. The agency employs 508 people but claimed 935 jobs were saved because of confusion over government reports.

Not surprisingly, the government officials downplayed the obvious errors in job creation numbers -- according to the AP reporters, these errors "would probably be balanced out by other errors that underreported jobs".  Well then.

The bottom line is this:  neither the government nor anyone else has the ability to measure something as complex as how many jobs are created or destroyed by a particular piece of legislation; the overall economy is too large and complex.  Anyone claiming specific numbers regarding jobs "saved or created" by the so-called "stimulus" legislation is either lying or delusional.  Neither condition is particularly inspiring.
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