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Advice and Consent

"... [The President] shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint ...Judges of the supreme Court..."
~ The United States Constitution, Article II, Section 2

Thus does our Constitution define the process by which the President fills a vacancy on the Supreme Court -- no definition of what "advice and consent" actually entails, no qualifications listed for the judges themselves, no guidelines to which the Senators should adhere, no roadmap for the President to follow.

Over the years, the practice evolved that senators propose to the President various judges from the states they represent, the judges go before the Senate Judiciary Committee for hearings and a vote, then on to the floor of the Senate.  Typically, for Supreme Court Justices, extra care has been taken by the President, with the recent trend being appointments currently serving on an appellate court -- someone who has already faced Senate confirmation and passed the test.  In many cases, particularly recently, leeway has been given to the President's preferred nominee, with little real information coming forth in the Senate hearings, and the determination being made that while a particular Senator might disagree philosophically with the person in question, the nominee does at least have the requisite qualifications and experience and therefore gets the Senator's vote.

So we come to our current situation, with President Obama's pick of Appellate Judge Sonia Sotomayor to fill the Supreme Court vacancy being left by the retiring Justice David Souter.  Much has been made of Judge Sotomayor's controversial statements and opinions, particularly with regard to race and ethnicity and equal treatment under the law.  There's plenty of information available on that topic, so there's no need to delve into that here.  Rather, what I find interesting, is how various senators have reacted to the vote.

As mentioned above, there is no real Constitutional guidance on the practical application of "advice and consent".  President Clinton's appointment of Ruth Bader Ginsburg sailed through the Senate on a 96-3 vote, in spite of her leftist ideology; President George W. Bush's appointment of Samuel Alito's vote was the closest in a decade and a half at 58-42, with the "nay" votes coming based nearly entirely on ideology (with Senator John Kerry of Massachusetts attempting to deny a vote at all via filibuster).  A precedent has been set, particularly with the (ultimately failed) nomination of Robert Bork by President Reagan in 1987:  ideology is a valid reason for non-consent of a candidate for some senators; others seem to grant the President wider latitude, unless the nominee really makes an error or something comes up in the candidate's past.

So should ideology be a valid criterion for voting to send a President's nominee to the bench?  Elections do have consequences, but Senators are elected too.  Partisanship seems always to be chastised by the minority party, but we have two political parties for a reason, and intelligent people can disagree.  Because the Constitution leaves "advice and consent" undefined, I believe it is indeed valid to vote against a nominee based on ideology or judicial philosophy.

Ms. Sotomayor, barring an unforeseen doozy, will most certainly pass the Senate and become the next Associate Justice on the Supreme Court.  But, given her judicial philosophy as shown in her rulings and (to a lesser extent) her testimony, it is both Constitutionally justifiable and ideologically (and philosophically) necessary for any believer in limited government individual liberty to vote against her -- recognizing the consequences of such a vote.  Let us hope that her service is surprising to her supporters and her critics.


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