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Bite My Gas!

In response to the high (and getting higher) price of gasoline, the presidential candidates Hillary Clinton and John McCain have proposed a federal "gasoline tax holiday" for the summer, when gasoline prices traditionally are at their highest.  The proposal, no doubt going nowhere in Congress and therefore somewhat of a campaign gimmick, has been met by skepticism by the general public (if polls are accurate, which is always debatable) and  economists, and downright scorn by various environmental groups.

The current federal gasoline tax stands at $0.18/gallon.  This is a straight per-gallon tax, not a percent of the overall price.  States add their own tax in, from a low of $0.075/gallon in Georgia to a high of $0.321/gallon in Wisconsin; some states add in additional sales taxes and wholesale taxes, further increasing the cost of gasoline, and of course the gasoline retailers, wholesalers, and oil production companies all pay income taxes, capital gains taxes, payroll taxes, and other costs imposed by the government in terms of regulation.  All this together means that the government collects more "profit" off of each gallon of gas than does the companies responsible for its supply.

Environmental groups favor higher-priced gasoline as a means of reducing overall consumption -- many have called for increases in gasoline taxes, stating that the current average price at this writing of $3.63/gallon is still too low, and that prices more in line with those in Europe are needed to promote conservation.  My guess is that the public would disagree with that assessment, particularly since gasoline prices hit the poorest citizens in any society the hardest -- older cars tend to have less fuel efficiency, and most poor people tend not to be able to afford a new hybrid Prius.

The economists and politicians have come out against the gasoline tax holiday for various reasons.  Some, like Alice Rivlin, who served in the previous Clinton Administration, cites the need for higher gasoline taxes in her analysis, and no doubt others fall into that camp.  Many favor anti-global warming carbon "cap and trade" taxes that are de facto increases on the price of all products that utilize petroleum in their production (or packaging, or transportation, which of course ultimately means all products whatsoever).

Other economists, however, employ a more rigorous analysis.  The gist of their opposition to the gasoline tax holiday centers around a couple of points.  First of all, the drop in price would increase demand for gasoline.  Of course, this is Economics 101 -- lower prices stimulate higher demand for a product.  However, subtracting 18 cents per gallon from a record high gasoline price still yields a near record price -- will demand be that much stimulated by a reduction to a price that was already spurring decreased consumption?

A second argument is that the oil companies will simply swallow up the reduction in the tax, meaning prices will stay the same and the oil companies will increase their already-record profits.  To combat this supposed scenario, Hillary Clinton is proposing a "windfall profits tax" on the oil companies.  I'd be interested in hearing of any example from any point in the history of any country where raising a tax on a specific industry has ever resulted in a lower price for any product -- if a company's tax burden is increased, to maintain a profit margin the company will either raise the price of its products to recoup the loss, or else they will look for other cost reductions -- layoffs, decreased investment in capital projects, lower dividend payments to shareholders.  None of these actions promote lower prices for consumers nor spur economic activity; the Clinton argument suggests that the government is a better provider of economic growth than are businesses.  But this argument also ignores another truth about a free market:  competition among businesses for the consumers' dollars promotes lower prices.  Would a retraction of the 18.4 cent gasoline tax result in an immediate drop in the price of a gallon of gasoline of 18.4 cents?  Probably not, especially if the dollar continues to weaken (which is a complete topic itself).  But competition and a return to Economics 101 point towards an overall reduction in price.

A third argument against decreasing the government's intrusion into the purchase of fuel is that because that gasoline tax is currently earmarked for the road construction fund, such a tax holiday will result in no roads being built.  This calamity would lead to loss in jobs, and many seek to paint a dire picture of crumbling infrastructure and bread lines for construction workers.  But this presupposes that the government could not simply cut spending in other areas and channel that money instead to continue those road projects.  It also ignores the state gasoline taxes, many of which have some percentage earmarked for construction.  But on a more philosophical level, such a view that cutting the gasoline tax would lead to lost jobs in the overall economy suggests that the government, not the private sector, is the engine of job growth in the economy.  Comparing job growth in the United States with those countries with a higher tax burden (and common sense) suggest otherwise.

A final argument against the proposal is that it is simply an election-year gimmick, a pander to voters.  On this issue, I have to agree -- it is a sort of gimmick.  However, I fail to see how this is any more of a "gimmick" that "panders" to voters than promising them free college, or free health care, or other supposedly "free" (read:  money is confiscated from someone else to pay for them) services from the government.  At least this so-called gimmick increases the amount of money that people keep to spend for themselves rather than turn over to the government rather than promising to confiscate money from one group of people to give to another.  It might be a small amount, even a small amount of money in the hands of individuals rather than the government is a good thing in my book.

Ultimately, I believe that the tax holiday should be enacted, so long as spending is cut in other areas to "pay for" the tax cut, providing the road tax fund with no reduction in revenues.  Perhaps a good start would be to repeal all earmarks in the budget; as we've seen, there are billions of dollars there to be cut, and roads are actually a valid function of government.  Ultimately, I cast my lot with the great Nobel Laureate Milton Friedman (yes, he is an economist):  ""I favor tax reductions under any circumstances, for any excuse, for any reason, at any time."  It's our money, not the government's -- they should have to beg for every penny, not the other way around.

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Stop the Technology, I Want Off

A favorite activity of the government is confiscating money and property from one group of people with the purpose of redistributing it to some other group. Typically, some concept of "fairness" is invoked, or some insult or injury on the proposed recipient is blamed on the group from which the property is being taken. Rarely is the action considered in terms of government imposition on individual liberty; rarer still is the action considered in terms of overall economic efficiency or standard of living.
 

A favorite rhetorical nemesis during the current campaign for the US Presidency is the concept of free trade agreements. With its advantages and benefits well established from Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations, through various of the Federalist Papers, to the writings of Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman, concepts such as comparative advantage and economy of scale inherent to freer trade with less government intrusion on the marketplace are well explained and the benefits well documented.


Free trade agreements serve to remove government-imposed barriers on transactions between consenting individuals – commerce and trade in which participants willingly engage because it brings to each some benefit or advantage. NAFTA lowered government-imposed barriers to trade among Mexico, Canada, and the United States, thus increasing choices, lowering costs, and promoting innovation that benefits the consumers in each. The nature of that benefit is evident in the increase in imports and exports among the three countries, the scores of millions of jobs created, the increase in economic output in each country, and the price stability – all benefits that have been examined in previous articles by this author.

Because the preponderance of evidence overwhelmingly supports lowering the government-imposed intrusion on trade and commerce (tariffs), politicians seeking to denigrate free trade focus instead on anecdotal evidence of harm caused by the agreements. Lowering tariffs on imported steel can indeed lead to closing of a particular steel mill in, say, Pittsburgh if that steel can be made more efficiently in, say, South Africa. Closing that particular steel mill certainly isn't good news for those whose livelihood previously depended on the mill, so playing to the crowd in Pittsburgh might involve criticism of the deal that allowed cheaper steel into the United States. Such criticism, however, ignores the greater benefits of the more efficient allocation of resources; cheaper steel means that anything made from steel is also now cheaper, meaning that construction and equipment are now more economical. Less expensive construction and equipment leads to a greater demand for these things, creating jobs in construction and manufacturing in other areas, as well as cheaper products for consumers. With the extra money those consumers save on various products and services, they in turn may choose to put the money into a savings account (earning interest), invest in companies providing some new good or service (and possibly a dividend or capital gain), or perhaps save the money for retirement or a child's college fund (leading to a higher standard of living). Whatever the case, the economy has gained as a whole.

Technological progress works similarly. Development of the automobile assembly line meant that cars were suddenly more economical to consumers and that transportation of goods was more economical than previously. As people began purchasing cars, their standard of living increased, and the resulting increase in demand for automobiles created not just a demand for assembly line workers but also for more steel for the body of the cars, rubber for the tires, etc. – a ripple effect through the economy that increased prosperity for individuals. Yet to apply the free trade example of focusing on the lost jobs at a particular steel mill in Pittsburgh would be to focus on the impact of the rise of automobiles on workers at a horse buggy factory whose services were decreasingly needed. The rise of refrigerators meant job losses for ice delivery personnel. Even new vaccines can cost jobs for specific groups – one economist I recently read noted how polio vaccines reduced jobs for people who manufacture wheel chairs and crutches -- while improving the health and quality of life for individuals.

Opposing free trade agreements based on anecdotal evidence is tantamount to proposing a moratorium to a cure for cancer because that could cost jobs to people who work for companies that manufacture chemotherapy drugs and syringes or advocating a government-imposed moratorium .. phones to save the jobs of workers who make land-line phones. A free market based on individual choice, not government intrusion, best promotes technological innovation and progress. The government should stick to its true purpose: protecting individual liberty.
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