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Taxing Capitalism

The key to capitalism is capital investment.  The key to successful capital investment is yielding a profit — a gain in the value of the capital investment:  a capital gain.  The capital gain represents value that has actually been created — new value, new wealth that can lead to innovation, jobs, economic prosperity.  Whether the investment is real estate, or a factory, or stock and mutual funds for a pension or retirement account, capital investment is the engine of a free market economy, fueled by the desire for making a profit — a capital gain — on the investment.  The government then taxes that capital gain, even if the money used in the initial investment has already been taxed as a wage, inheritance, or even a previous capital gain.

Both Democratic candidates for President have already supported an increase in the capital gains tax.  In votes already taken in the Senate, both have voted to increase the rate from its current 15% to 20%.  Sen. Obama has advocated a further increase to 28% on the rate. 

Increasing the capital gains tax rate by definition increases the intrusiveness of government on individuals and the economy; thus, the Democratic contenders are advocating less liberty for American citizens and more power for the government, as well as greater economic inefficiency.  They are also decreasing the value of investing in capital in the United States — any investor makes his decisions based on the potential return; increasing the amount of any profit due to the government reduces the potential return.  If a potential capital investor has a choice between two options with probable equivalent returns yet one investment's profit is taxed at 28% and another is taxed at only 15% (or not at all), where is the investor's money most likely to go?  Which investment has a competitive advantage, and which investment has a competitive disadvantage imposed by the government?.

To evaluate the relative competitive aspect of raising the US capital gains tax rate, it is instructive to compare the US rate to that imposed by the governments of other countries.  Following are some various top rates for comparison (source:  Australian Treasury, "International Comparison of Australia's Taxes, p. 208):  Australia:  24.3%; Austria, Belgium, Czech Republic, Germany, Greece, Mexico, New Zealand, Switzerland, and Turkey:  0%; Canada: 23.2%; Iceland and Japan:  10%; Italy:  12.5%; Ireland:  20%; Slovakia:  19%; United Kingdom:  40%; Denmark:  62%, Sweden:  30%.  Thus, raising the capital gains tax even to 20% would be putting the US economy at a capital investment disadvantage relative to other potential investment opportunities, and increasing the tax to 28% would take the US even further behind competitively, particularly when compared with our two biggest trading partners, Canada and Mexico.

Competitiveness aside, what is the purpose of taxation?  Ostensibly to raise the revenue necessary to fund the activities of the government.  Obviously, there is considerable debate about what those activities should be, but ultimately the purpose of taxation is funding the government.  However, looking at the history of the capital gains tax provides some interesting information — raising the capital gains tax paradoxically tends to produce less revenue, not more, while decreasing the capital gains tax tends to produce more revenue.  This has consistently occurred in every single instance over the past 50 years.

The capital gains tax was increased in 1968, increasing from 25% to 36.5% phased in over 4 years; not only did capital gains tax revenues decrease, it took 8 years before revenues reached 1968 levels again.  Think about that again:  the tax rate was raised in 1968, but revenue didn't break even until 1976!  The rate was cut back to 20% in 1979, and revenues immediately increased, with the government collecting new record revenues each year until 1986 — that's 7 straight years of record-setting collections following a cut in the capital gains rate.  The string was ended in 1986 with an increase in the rate back to 28%.  This time, it took ten years for revenue collections to reach 1986 levels.  The rate was cut to 20% in 1998, then 15% in 2003.  In both cases, revenues once again increased.

The evidence is clear:  raising the capital gains tax does not increase revenue to the government.  Without exception, each time the government has increased the rate, collections have decreased.  Without exception, each time the government has decreased the rate, collections have increased.  So raising the capital gains tax rate doesn't merely hurt the competitiveness of our economy compared to other countries, it actually fails to increase revenue to the government.

Which begs the question:  why do Senators Obama and Clinton make raising the capital gains tax rate a central part of their economic platform if it hurts the economy, hurts our competitiveness, and fails to generate revenue?  When presenting with the facts during a debate, Sen. Obama made an astounding statement:  that the rate needed to be raised to promote "fairness".  Thus, he made it apparent that a legitimate function of government is to punish one group of people using tax rates.  Apparently, it is "fair" to confiscate wealth from an arbitrarily chosen group of people, regardless of whether or not it brings in additional revenue to the government.  Apparently, it is more "fair" if certain people pay more in taxes.  Apparently, it is now a function of government to enforce some sort of "fairness" on people who happen to be investing in the economy.  One is tempted to ask where in the Declaration of Independence, Federalist Papers, or Constitution such a role for government is espoused.

But raising a tax rate to enforce some standard of "fairness" demonstrates even greater misunderstanding by Sen. Obama about the economy and capital gains taxes.  It is tempting to assume that it is largely "the rich" who pay capital gains taxes.  Yet the facts say otherwise.  Approximately 50% of tax returns claiming capital gains taxes are filed by people earning less than $50,000 per year, and 75% of the claimants earn less than $100,000 per year.  That's hardly "rich", and it seems hard to claim that increases the tax burden on these people is making things more "fair" for anyone else.

Just as Sens. Obama and Clinton ignored (and misrepresented) the facts in seeking to demonize free trade agreements, they now ignore the facts about the capital gains tax in seeking to engage in class warfare.  While both speak nostalgically of the 1990s economic boom, they both seek to undermine the policies that made that boom possible.  Rather than promising greater liberty for the individual, they are seeking greater control by an ever-intrusive government. 
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Legal Extortion and "Bizarro" Robin Hood

There is perhaps no greater imposition on individual liberty than having the government confiscate one's private property for the purpose of distributing it to someone else.  Whether it is our paycheck or our home, expansion of the government means a decrease in the rights of Americans, and as the government's intrusiveness increases so does the incentive for other interests to lobby the government for special treatment -- for property to be confiscated from others and distributed to them.  It is particularly contemptible when the beneficiary of government redistribution is the already-powerful, already-wealthy -- such action represents Robin Hood in reverse.

Few interests have been more successful over the years at convincing the government to enact "Bizarro Robin Hood" policies than wealthy owners of professional sports franchises.  Rather than viewing stadiums and arenas as investments to be considered part of the cost of owning a franchise and either absorbing the expense or passing it along to those who actually attend the games, these owners have engaged in what amounts to legal extortion:  either the city (or county, or state, or some combination of the above) foots the bill for a new stadium (decked out, of course, with luxury suites), or the owner threatens to move the team.  Experience suggests this is no hollow threat, with teams like the New Orleans (nee Charlotte) Hornets, Indianapolis (nee Baltimore) Colts, St. Louis (nee Los Angeles) Rams, Washington Nationals (nee Montreal Expos), and Carolina Hurricanes (nee Hartford Whalers) proving that this is a multi-sport phenomenon.

A current victim of attempted legalized extortion is the city of Houston.  The perpetrator is the Houston Dynamo, the local Major League Soccer franchise.  The soccer club is a repeat offender, having moved to Houston from San Jose when that city refused to give in to the extortion.  Houston no doubt seemed a fruitful target, having provided public funds to build stadiums for the Rockets, Astros, and Texans, all in the past 10 years.  Smarting from the pain of losing the Houston Oilers NFL franchise to Nashville, Houston over the past decade has seemingly taken Bizarro Robin Hood to a new level.

The Dynamo currently play at Robertson Stadium on the campus of the University of Houston.  I have no idea what the team's financial bottom line looks like, but if the owners who willingly brought the team to Houston and the fans who willingly pay to watch the team play can't afford the $100 million dollars for a new stadium, then the Dynamo should either accept their current digs, move elsewhere, or fold up the tent altogether.  If the money isn't there, then raise funds from donors or advertising.  Neither I nor anyone else who doesn't wish to contribute to such an endeavor should have be forced to by the government.

These stadium deals are nothing more than welfare for the wealthy.  Such misuse of government power needs to stop.  Extortion should not be rewarded, even legal extortion.
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Who's Your Lobbyist?

"Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances."   -- The First Amendment to the Constitution of the United States of America (emphasis added).

"I don't know how many of you have a lobbyist in Washington." -- Barack Obama

Among the freedoms guaranteed to American citizens by the Bill of Rights is the right to petition the government.  The Founding Fathers apparently saw this as a right of primary importance, as it was included in the first addition to the Bill of Rights, and mentioned in the same sentence as freedoms of speech, religion, the press, and assembly.

Of course, when the Bill of Rights was conceived, the federal government had little power; it was not, at that time, in the business of confiscating the fruits of one party's labor to give to another party.  There were no welfare programs, either personal or corporate; there was no income tax, or capital gains tax, or telecommunications tax, or gasoline tax, or payroll tax.  The government at that time didn't subsidize sugar or corn-based ethanol, nor did it set production quotas on farmers or artificially increase the price consumers pay for milk at the behest of the big agricultural companies.  Yet in spite of the limited federal government the Founding Fathers envisioned, they still considered it vital to the cause of liberty to commit to posterity the right for individuals to petition the government.

Today, the federal government has expanded in size and intrusiveness.  The fruits of our labor are confiscated by the government to redistribute to others -- our private property is taken to give to developers via eminent domain; the first fruits of our labor are taken to fund the welfare state; our savings and investments are taxed along with our investments and our purchases.  We are even taxed upon death should we be fortunate enough to have an estate we wish to leave to our friends and family.  The money and property taken from us is then given to various factions -- real estate developers, corporations, individuals -- in the form of subsidies, loans, or outright payments.  All this occurs at the expense of our liberty, our basic freedom to decide what is best for ourselves and our families.  In the place of liberty, the government substitutes a centralized bureaucracy, making decisions that are supposedly best for the "common good".

Because of the government's expansion in power and intrusion, it has become advantageous for special interests to spend lavishly to lobby our elected officials in an attempt to influence public policy that provides a special benefit or competitive advantage.  Steel companies want tariffs on imported steel; labor unions want compulsory membership; dairy farmers want price supports; defense contractors want exclusive contracts; government programs want to retain their funding.  The more authority the federal government has to impact the free market, and the more money the federal government is willing to spend on such special interests, the greater the incentive for special interests to lobby for special treatment; the greater also the incentive for outright corruption.

The benefits of special treatment by the government to the smaller factions can be quite great when compared to the price paid by the public at large:  milk subsidies, for example, perhaps add only a percentage increase in the price of milk, a percentage never shown to the consumer.  Yet that same price subsidy could mean a lot to large-scale providers of milk.  Thus, the incentive lies with the smaller interest to lobby the government aggressively on behalf of its cause, while the individual consumer sees no such direct significant incentive on behalf of his liberty.

Faced with such a situation, it is easy to see why "lobbyists" and "special interests" have become such negatively connotated buzzwords in political campaigns.  Yet the original purpose of petitioning the government is fortunately not the sole purvey of those seeking advantage at the expense of the liberty of others.  Thankfully, seekers of liberty certainly have lobbyists "working for [us] in Washington".

There are a few such lobbying organizations that stand out as working on behalf of individual liberty:
  • The National Rifle Association petitions the government on behalf of the individual right to keep and bear arms.
  • The National Right to Work Committee is lobbying the government to prevent compulsory labor union membership.
  • Citizens Against Government Waste petitions to stop wasteful government spending of confiscated tax dollars.
  • The Club for Growth lobbies on behalf of free market, growth-oriented economic policies.
  • Americans for Tax Reform lobbies the government to pass fairer, simpler tax plans that take less of our hard-earned paychecks and that are easier to understand and apply.

This list is by no means exhaustive, and as individuals we may agree or disagree with the respective agendas of one or all of the above groups.  The point is, however, that the groups are lobbying not on behalf of a select few, but for expanding liberty for all.  Whether or not one agrees with a cut in the tax on capital gains, the fact remains that cutting a tax increases liberty -- the individual has more say in how the fruits of his own labor are spent.  Whether or not one believes that labor unions hurt competitiveness, the fact remains that compulsory membership in an intrusion on individual liberty.

How many among us have a lobbyist working on our behalf in Washington?  Thankfully, we all do.  Thankfully, not all lobbyists are "special" interests -- some have individual liberty for every American in mind.

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Bitter About Trade?

This spring's Presidential campaign has been a winter of discontent for free trade.  The Columbian Free Trade Agreement is seemingly dead in the House thanks to a scuttling of the rules by Speaker Nancy Pelosi, stabbing an ally in the back while strengthening socialist dictator Hugo Chavez.  Both Democratic Presidential nominees have chosen to ignore the economic benefits of the North American Free Trade Agreement, pledging to renegotiate the deal and impose a moratorium on future agreements.  Increases in employment, exports, manufacturing, and overall economic growth are instead portrayed as job losses and economic misery in Orwellian rhetorical gymnastics.

Increasing the government intrusion in the marketplace raises prices for consumers, decreases the size of the market (thus reducing economies of scale and specialization efficiencies), and distorts the market.  By contrast, reducing government taxation on trade opens new markets for American exports, lowers prices, increases innovation, promotes competition, and provides more choices for consumers.  Individuals choose what's best for themselves and their families, rather than the government deciding for everyone.  The benefits are well-documented, at least for those who prefer facts to polls, anecdotes, and demagoguery.

The Columbian Free Trade Agreement opposition is particularly difficult to understand -- Columbian products already enter the United States tariff-free!  The effect of the Columbia FTA would be to lower Columbian tariffs on American products, opening new markets to goods and services produced in America.  The benefit to Columbia?  Of course, there's the usual benefits mentioned above:  lower prices and more choices for consumers.  But there's also another carrot:  the current trade benefits accorded under the Andean Trade Promotion Agreement must be re-qualified periodically; the Columbian FTA would make the agreement permanent.

Democrats often accuse Republicans in general, and President Bush in particular, of a "go-it-alone" philosophy when dealing with foreign affairs.  Yet free trade agreements are the ultimate partnership between nations, as each nation becomes truly invested in the success of the other while at the same time promoting its own prosperity.  Often, labor and environmental laws are used as an excuse for thwarting trade deals, yet these are typically quite easily negotiated into the deal.  On a more fundamental level, they are almost inherent in a free trade agreement with the United States, as countries become more mindful of worker and ecological protections as they become more prosperous, and workers become more empowered to seek better working conditions when there is more competition for their services.  Citizens become more mindful of environmental issues when they become property owners and when property rights are respected and promoted.  Trade and commerce promote all of these things in a free society.

So in the face of economic evidence that shows free trade to be a benefit to American consumers, from whence comes the anti-trade sentiment?  Perhaps Senator Obama put his finger on it in his now-famous speech at a San Francisco fundraiser, when he said that when Americans "get bitter, they cling to ... anti-trade sentiment as a way to explain their frustrations.”  Let us hope that Sens. Obama and Clinton get over their bitterness, or whatever is fueling the anti-trade fervor,  and return to sound principles of free market capitalism.
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Who Needs Facts, We've Got Heart-Stirring Anecdotes! Continued

As the debate continues over trade in the US presidential campaign, again and again we are told stories of shuttered factories and lost jobs.  To make it even more personal, the "story" of a particular individual, sometimes named, sometimes not, is told in soft, sympathetic tones.  The moral of the story, of course, is that this hard working American would still have a job if it weren't for the ravages of trade deals, whereby the evil corporations were able to "ship jobs overseas" to be worked instead by lower-skilled, cheaper workers.  It all sounds so heart-wrenching.  Some politicians appeal to the national pride instinct, claiming that trade deals result in exchanging good-paying factory jobs for lower-paying jobs in the service sector; they argue that we are losing our ability to produce "stuff", as well as make an honest living.

The truth, however, conflicts with the message of these stories.  Typically, when a politician deals in anecdotes instead of broad facts, it is because the facts don't support the politician's claims; such is the case when speaking of trade and manufacturing.  While the percentage of manufacturing workers in the US has decreased, manufacturing output has increased, as shown in the following chart produced by the Federal Reserve:



So based on the facts, we are producing more goods, just requiring fewer workers to do so.  That would seem to be a good thing -- we're increasing efficiency and productivity.  If we were losing jobs due to simply moving them to another country of origin, there would be a corresponding drop in manufacturing output.  Instead, we see that not only has manufacturing increased since the passage of NAFTA, it has increased at a greater rate than any other time in the past 50 years, stalled only by the min-recession of 2000 and the aftermath of 9/11.

Trade increases the size of the market into which businesses and industries can sell, as well as increases the number of choices for consumers.  Protectionist trade policies only serve to "protect" favored businesses from having to compete, from having to produce goods and services that people want at competitive prices.  Restricting trade promotes government corruption, as special interests seek to influence the government to protect a particular business or sector.  Restricting trade ultimately can promote war, as there is a financial and economic disincentive to destroy one's best customer.

Those are the facts; let's hope that pulling on the "mind strings" is a stronger endeavor than pulling at the "heart strings":  let's hope that facts win out over anecdotes.
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Who Needs Facts, We've Got Heart-Stirring Anecdotes!

On the CNBC show Kudlow & Company today, Teamsters Union President James P. Hoffa decried the Columbian Free Trade Agreement that is currently stalled by Congress.  Following the usual protectionist playbook, he spoke of jobs "shipped overseas", and followed up his broad-based assertions with heart-moving anecdotes of specific factories that have been shuttered, like a York Peppermint Patty plant in Pennsylvania, somehow because of decreased taxation on American imports and exports.  He accused NAFTA of being an economic detriment, decried the so-called "trade deficit", and pledged to work to stop other free trade agreements in their tracks as well as renegotiating current trade pacts; in short, he advocated a return to the policies of the Herbert Hoover Administration.

Host Larry Kudlow had no wrenching stories of single mothers or unemployed workers, but did have interesting facts at his disposal -- the usual recitation of the benefits of trade on the US economy:  25 million jobs created since NAFTA was passed, increases in exports and manufacturing output.  But in addition to the usual litany of free trade benefits, he had a silver bullet especially for Hoffa:  since the passage of NAFTA, trucking volume, a measure in which a Teamsters leader should be highly interested, has skyrocketed.

It is well-established and basically undisputed that exports create jobs and prosperity -- exported goods are produced by American workers, shipped on American trucks, and sold overseas.  Of course, rarely is any product exclusively made in any country -- "Made in America" products most likely contain components made in other countries from materials mined or produced in yet another locale -- but the debate on trade doesn't involve the economic value of exports.  Rather, it is the economic impact of imports around which the debate revolves.  If exports create jobs, the protectionists claim, then it just stands to reason that imports destroy jobs.

Fortunately, this isn't the case.  If a consumer, whether an individual, family, or business, purchases an imported commodity, service, or product, it is because the purchased item was more efficiently made elsewhere.  Whether the advantage is price, quality, or some combination of both, the consumer is making the choice to purchase the imported product based on some advantage it has relative to one domestically produced.  Cheaper toys or food means more money for families to spend on a college fun, retirement, or a vacation.  Of course, there can be localized losses -- cheaper steel imports can take business away from domestic steel factories; however, that increased efficiency in the steel market promotes construction, as well as potentially leading to greater innovation in the domestic steel market as a response to the competition.  But Kudlow's trucking numbers illustrate another point about imports:  if people are going to buy imported commodities and products, just like exports, they have to be shipped from the ports to the consumers.  And if families and businesses are spending less on individual items, chances are higher that they'll purchase more total items -- thus more items that need to be shipped.  The head of the Teamsters Union, ostensibly worried about maintaining business for the trucking industry, should be advocating more trade, not less.

Of course, phrases like "increased productivity", "market competition", and "trucking index appreciation" don't strike the same chord as images of shuttered factories, hungry children, and dilapidated warehouses.  Who needs to bother with facts, when heart-stirring anecdotes can sway voters in an election?
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It's OUR Money, Part 2: The Zero Option

Politicians love spending money.  Ronald Reagan's famous quip was that saying government spends like a drunken sailor was an insult to drunken sailors -- at least they are spending their own money, while the government is spending ours.  So while the government is coming up with schemes to fund, they are counting on forcing the taxpayers to foot the bill, regardless of whether or not an expenditure is effective, efficient, or even worthwhile.

Even worse than the idea that politicians take the first fruits of our labors to spend at will and whim is the attitude of many that they are justified in doing so and need not answer to the sources of their funding.  To many, those of us who wish to send less of our money to Washington (or the state capital) and spend more of it on our own families are "greedy"; some even claim that we don't even "deserve" our own paychecks.  We are taxed on our labors, we are taxed on our investments, we are taxed on our savings, we are taxed on our purchases, we are taxed on our profits, and then we are taxed when we die.

All this taxation serves a government that spends our money without regard to success.  As Judge Janice Rogers Brown has noted, "[g]overnment is the only enterprise in the world which expands in size when its failures increase."  Consider that rarely does a government program or tax get cut, much less eliminated, especially if it fails miserably in its stated goal, or if the stated need to be addressed no longer exists.  One such example is the telecommunications tax that was enacted to fund the Spanish American War in 1898; the tax was finally repealed -- over 100 years later.  If a government program doesn't seem to be working, instead of cutting or reforming it, the government typically responds by [i]increasing[/i] funding.  Consider the Rural Utilities Service, started during FDR's New Deal -- do we really still need a government program to ensure that rural areas get electricity(assuming it was ever a good idea)?

According to the conservative Heritage Foundation, the federal budget contains 342 economic development programs, 130 different programs serving at-risk youth, 130 more programs for the disabled, 75 different programs supporting international educational and exchanges, and 72 different clean water programs.  Assuming for a second that each of these is a valid function of the federal government; could perhaps some of these programs be consolidated, cutting staff and bureaucracy?  When was the last time these programs were reviewed for effectiveness?  The Heritage Foundation also details $60 billion in corporate welfare, and up to $30 billion in agriculture subsidies (the majority of which go to large agribusiness firms as well as rich celebrities like Ted Turner and the late disgraced Enron CEO Ken Lay).

Even the tax code itself is often used as a government program; specialized, "targeted" tax breaks allow the government to reward activities and behavior it finds good at the expense of others, rather than trying to simply persuade individuals and businesses to act in a certain way and lowering taxes for everyone.  Buying a house might be a good financial decision for many; however, should people who prefer to rent be forced to subsidize the purchase?  State taxes can be written off on the federal income tax return, effectively meaning that people living in states with low tax burdens partially subsidize the tax bills for those residents of high-tax states.  Nearly everyone knows smoking is bad for one's health, but rather than ban tobacco, the government turned it into a cash cow by ramping up cigarette taxes. 

Rather than putting the onus on "greedy" and "undeserving" individuals, the government should be forced to justify every cent confiscated from its citizens.  The first test any government expenditure should be forced to pass is this:  is this program authorized by the Constitution?  If not, it should not be funded by the federal government.  If truly necessary, then the program or function should be delegated to state or local governments; if truly necessary, then a Constitutional amendment can be proposed to add it to the federal government's list of responsibilities.  But if the government is funding an activity or program, they should at least be looking to see if the program duplicates other existing programs, is effective, and is efficient.

When putting together an annual (or monthly, or even weekly) budget, most individuals, families, and businesses perform at least a perfunctory review of expenses and decide whether or not a particular good, service, activity, or employee is still necessary; it isn't automatically added to the list unless it meets certain criteria.  Not so the government:  each item is "baselined" with an automatic increase year-to-year.  Thus, a budget "cut" most often means that a particular program was actually increased, just at a lower rate than had been previously baselined.  Let's say a person eats sushi once a week, but plans to start eating sushi three times a week when he gets his next raise; the raise comes, and he decides instead to increase his visits to the sushi place only to twice a week instead of thrice:  by the government's method of accounting, he has actually cut his sushi intake, in spite of the total consumption increasing by 100%!  This is how politicians can claim to be "fiscally responsible" while government spending keeps increasing at rates faster than inflation.

Instead, the government should start it's budgeting based on a "Zero Option":  each cabinet agency should have to build its budget from scratch -- from zero.  Every program should be forced to put together a budget that justifies every expense requested, based on the stated goals of the program and the estimated needs and independent of previous years' expenditures.  Each cabinet secretary should be tasked with ensuring that every program for which tax money is requested is not duplicated.  Instead of the "default" setting for government spending being an increase over the previous year's spending, the "default" is nothing at all.

The government creates no value itself:  it has to rely on money collected from individuals, families, and businesses to fund its service offerings.  Those entities have no choice in whether or not they can comply; the government has the power of force, the power of a gun, to compel compliance.  With that power should come the responsibility to justify every confiscation, to prove that the government "needs" and "deserves" the money taken.  It's OUR money, not the government's.  Implementing the Zero Option would emphasize that fact and help the politicians remember that crucial point.
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It's OUR Money, Part 1: Pigs at the Trough

The venerable taxpayer advocate group Citizens Against Government Waste puts out a list each year detailing the wasteful projects on which our Senators and Representatives are spending the money they confiscate from our paychecks each week.  The list details the "pork barrel" projects, commonly called "earmarks", that are largely serving a local or special interest, are not ever discussed in hearings or committee meetings, not competitively awarded, and are typically inserted into spending bills by an individual member of Congress.  Recipients of earmarks have included such things as a Teapot Museum, The Lobster Institute of Maine, space alien watch programs, and the now-infamous "Bridge to Nowhere" in Alaska.

The 2008 "Pig Book" was released this week, and it provides valuable information about our elected officials and how the respect (or lack thereof) they have for the money taken from their constituents.  So far in 2008, five senators have requested zero earmark projects:  Republicans DeMint, McCain, and Coburn, and Democrats Feingold and McCaskill.  The top ten worst Senate offenders, led by Republican Thad Cochran of Mississippi, added over $4 billion in spending to our budget; widen the scope to the top 15 offenders, and over $6 billion of the fruits of our labors were spent cavalierly by those Senators on projects in their respective states -- projects that were never scrutinized on the merits, never discussed on the floor of the Senate, never requested by the executive branch.  On the House side, there are 10 members who received no earmarks this year, and the worst 10 spenders "only" cost us about $1.4 billion.

Of course, beyond the mere earmarks are many other projects benefiting special and local interests that receive our federal tax dollars.  Some of the projects are no doubt worthy of support, like local libraries and public mass transit systems; however, shouldn't a local library or bus line be the responsibility of the local community benefiting from the service?  If Houston wants to expand its Metrorail service, regardless of whether or not it is a good idea shouldn't matter to the federal government; a taxpayer in, say, Toledo shouldn't be footing the bill for a Houstonian's train ride.  I certainly believe public libraries provide an important service; however, I shouldn't be asked to pay for a library in, say, Bakersfield. 

Businesses and industries benefit from our money as well.  Rather than requiring businesses to provide goods and services people wish to purchase in order to remain in business, "corporate welfare" -- special subsidies and protections for businesses -- are rampant in our federal budget.  The Department of Commerce is chock-full of corporate welfare programs.  Granted, there are some valid functions within the Commerce Department:  the Census Bureau, the National Institute of Standards and Technology, and the Office of Patents and Trademarks administer functions of the federal government specifically defined within the Constitution.  I believe a pretty good case can be made as well for the National Oceanic & Atmospheric Administration and for the Economic & Statistical Analysis division.  But those functions together equal only about 50-60% of the $9.25 billion budgeted to the Department in Fiscal Year 2009, and that's assuming there aren't subdivisions within those valid divisions that could be cut.  Add to that top-line programs like the Emergency Steel Guaranteed Loan Program, Minority Business Development Agency,  National Telecommunications and Information Administration, and, yes, the Emergency Oil & Gas Guaranteed Loan Program (at a time of record oil & gas prices!) all sound like they are rife with corporate special benefits.  Keep in mind this is only one cabinet agency; the Department of Agriculture spends billions more on corporate handouts, some of which serve as a double whammy:  they charge your tax money to support higher food prices for families and individuals.

Ultimately, the key to all of this is a simple concept:  every dollar spent by the government is a dollar taken from taxpayers.  Every dollar paid in taxes to the government is involuntary, and is a dollar that families and individuals don't have to spend on clothing, food, education, health care, and investing for retirement.  The bottom line:  it's OUR money, and by not treating our money with respect, politicians are not treating us with respect.  We deserve better; we should demand it.
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The Government vs. Economics 101

In Economics 101, a student learns that prices in the free market are set according to two main forces:  supply and demand.  When demand rises relative to supply, or when supply shrinks relative to demand, prices increase; when the opposite situation occurs, prices decrease.  The government can interfere with the pricing by setting a maximum price, which would tend to produce shortages, or by setting a minimum price, which would tend to produce surpluses.  The government can also artificially raise prices through taxation.

A textbook study in supply and demand was on display before Congress earlier this week, as executives from so-called "Big Oil" were brought before "Big Government" to explain their "excessive" profits.  Massachusetts Democratic Representative Ed Markey, chairman of the House Select Committee on Energy Independence and Global Warming, castigated the executives not only for the size of their profits, but also for not spending "enough" on alternative energy sources -- Markey, apparently an expert on how much and in what areas businesses should invest, believes the companies "should" invest at least 10% of their profits on petroleum alternatives.  Democratic Representative Emanuel Cleaver of Missouri tried to tie current consumer frustration with high gasoline prices to the 2005 retirement of former ExxonMobil CEO Lee Raymond, and his famous $400 million retirement package, ignoring, of course, that the retirement package was largely in ExxonMobil stock -- stock that greatly increased in value due to Raymond's successful management of the company.

Missing from Congress's inquisition was a simple understanding of Economics 101 that explains the high cost of gasoline:  demand is increasing relative to supply.  As economies grow, they consume more energy, and China and India, along with other economies around the world, are growing with extreme rapidity.  In 2006 alone, China added the equivalent energy consumption to that of the entire country of France; as it continues to grow, so does the demand.  That demand, along with increased demand in the US as well, drives up the price of petroleum, which of course drives up the price of products made from petroleum, such as gasoline.

But getting the oil is only part of the equation:  crude oil must be processed and refined to produce gasoline.  It is a costly, energy-intensive endeavor and requires specialized processes and facilities to do so:  refineries.  Capacity is limited at these refineries, just as with any other manufacturing or production facility, and the capacity of American refineries is insufficient to meet American demand for gasoline.  The result is that we now have to import not only the crude oil, but also gasoline itself.

So while demand is rising, the supply of crude oil and refined gasoline is not rising to meet it, thus causing an increase in prices, a concept apparently beyond the comprehension of Reps. Markey, Cleaver, and other anti-capitalist forces in government and elsewhere.  Their answer is neither to reduce demand nor increase supply.  Rather, the focus of the House Select Committee, as well as advocated by other Democrats (and some Republicans) in the House and Senate (including the Democratic senators currently seeking the Presidency) is to raise taxes on oil companies and "encourage" more spending on alternative energy.  Raising taxes on a business to encourage lower prices is somewhat analogous to beating a child to encourage him to stop crying:  it violates common sense and the laws of behavior.  The advocacy of tax-raising isn't confined to the evil oil companies:  Democratic Representative John Dingell of Michigan has proposed an additional $0.50 per gallon tax on gasoline (in addition to the 18.4 cent federal tax already in effect).

In the discussion about "excessive" profits, one might be curious to know the definition of exactly what point at which profits become "excessive' or "obscene".  The oil company profit margin is reported at 8.3 cents per dollar of sales.  Using that ratio, the sale of each $3.24 gallon of gas (the price I paid earlier today) nets the respective oil company approximately $0.27 in profit.  The federal government, as mentioned above, charges 18.4 cents for each gallon, so the oil company is making approximately $0.09 per gallon more than the federal government; of course, each state adds on their own gasoline tax, ranging from 7.5 cents per gallon in Georgia (plus a 4% sales tax) to 32.1 cents per gallon in Wisconsin; thus, in every state, the government makes more "profit" off each gallon of gas than does ExxonMobil, ConocoPhillips, Chevron, etc. -- without assuming any of the risk of running a company.

Another way of looking at the energy sector profits is to compare them to other industries.  Looking at the 2007 Fortune 500 list, ExxonMobil made $39.5 billion in profits on $347 billion in sales -- a margin of 11.4%.  Walmart, the top company in terms of sales, by contrast only had a profit margin of 3.2%; however, this doesn't seem to surprising, since Walmart deals in volume, not markup.  Some other top companies:  General Electric, 12.4%; Citigroup, 14.7%; Bank of America, 18.1%; Berkshire Hathaway, 11.2%; IBM, 10.4%; Verizon Communications, 6.6%; State Farm Insurance, 8.8%.  Decide for yourself whether or not ExxonMobil's profit margin is excessive when compared to other top companies.

But there's more involved as well.  To refine petroleum, one has to have petroleum, and the so-called "Big Oil" companies actually control very little of it:  approximately 80% of the world's known oil reserves belong to nationalized oil companies, such as Saudi Arabia, Venezuela, Iran, etc.  These countries form a cartel, OPEC, which controls the amount of petroleum allowed on the market.  Having complete control over 80% of a valuable commodity would seem to be a valuable position.  Add to the fact that much of that oil is in a very unstable part of the world, and that only serves to increase the "risk premium" on a barrel of oil.

So how can we lower gasoline prices?  As shown above, taking the entire oil company profit away would still mean gasoline costs $3 per gallon, and of course if the companies made no profit, they would provide no gasoline.  Taking away the tax bit would help a bit more, especially in states like Wisconsin, New York, and Montana, but still we're talking about pretty expensive gasoline, and governments typically aren't keen on reducing their income.  So, we are led back to Economics 101:  we can either reduce demand, and/or we can increase supply.

Increasing the supply of crude oil would start with areas where we know we have oil reserves but are barred by the government from obtaining the oil we know is there:  the Outer Continental Shelf, Alaska (within the Alaska National Wildlife Preserve), and areas of the Gulf of Mexico off the coast of Florida.  There are political obstacles to each of those locations.  But even were we to get more crude oil, we still don't have additional capacity to refine it; thus, we need to build more refining capacity.  It has been 30 years since a brand-new refinery has been built in the United States, but refineries all across the country are scrambling to add capacity.  The Motiva Refinery in Port Arthur, TX is embarking on a $7 billion expansion that will make it the largest refinery in the United States.  The high price of gasoline is obviously the motivating factor in that expansion, but there's risk involved -- what happens if the price of gasoline for some reason goes down?  Another often un-noted fact:  to make those "excessive" profits, oil companies deal with "excessive" risks.  Again, there are political obstacles to increasing refining capacity:  permits are required from the government, environmental regulations can be cumbersome, and people don't typically like to live near refineries.

The 2008 election can potentially have a huge impact on gasoline prices.  Both Democratic presidential contenders are promising a precipitous pull out of troops from the Middle East, specifically Iraq.  As mentioned above, there is already a "risk premium" being paid on oil due to Middle East instability; if there are insufficient US troops in the area, al Qaeda and Iran will have free reign to wreak havoc on the oil market, potentially greatly increasing the price of petroleum.  Oil at $100 per barrel could eventually seem like a bargain.

Ultimately, regardless of their efforts, outrage, and pious proclamations, there are only three ways to reduce the price of oil:  reduce government intrusion into the free market (via taxation and regulation), increase supply, or reduce demand.  The growing world economy and lack of credible alternatives in the near future seem to preclude a reduction in demand.


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